Thursday, July 21, 2011

"Indian Agrarian Crises: Crop Holiday"



          It all started with 500 farmers in Achanta, a village in Andhra Pradesh’s West Godavari district, covering around 4,500 acres of land. The farmers decided to declare a ‘crop holiday’, which means  "the fight with inflation will start all over again".
the agricultural equivalent of a manufacturing shutdown.What started as a small movement of non-cooperation is picking up steam in Andhra Pradesh and neighbouring southern states. It could threaten to engulf some northern states, too. If the movement spreads, the UPA’s Food Security Bill and anti-inflation strategy will be in tatters.


The crop holiday has now spread to 300,000 acres in Andhra Pradesh alone, which would result in a loss of 1.5 million tonnes of rice for the year. This quantity is 5 lakh tonnes more than the government’s export quota for the year.


If the movement catches on in other states, Achanta could set off a new power struggle to change the terms of trade between industry and agriculture, urban and rural areas. This small village was a testing ground for the green revolution in the mid-1960s.


There are two main reasons for the farmers to ‘revolt’ in such a manner. 


1) The first is that the cost of production, after NREGA (National Rural Employment Guarantee Act) pushed up costs all-around. Even if the crop is sold at the minimum support price (MSP), farmers say they are making losses. This is because the data used to calculate the MSP of rice is based on 2007-08 numbers.


 Labour costs have shot up over four-fold with the implementation of NREGA. During the peak agricultural season their cost is around Rs 350-400 per day. While there is no need to deny higher wages for the lowest sections of society, a similar increase in MSP was needed to offset this cost, as was recommended by the National Commission for Farmers, headed by Prof  MS Swaminathan, aimed at redressing the distressing conditions of 600 million farmers. The commission had suggested increasing the MSP by 50 percent across the board. 


To ensure that NREGA does not make agriculture viable, the Centre has asked states to avoid making NREGA active during the peak agricultural season, says


The difference between the wages of agriculture and non-agriculture workers has increased from 1:1.8 in 1950s to 1:5.2 in 2010; in other words, a person deciding to stay back in his village and work will be paid one-fifth of what he will get if he decides to work in a manufacturing sector. The 11th Plan highlights the tale of an agriculture worker when it says “GDP per agricultural worker is currently around Rs 2,000 per month, which is only about 75% higher in real terms than in 1950 compared to a four-fold increase in overall real per capita GDP”.


2)The second reason is the huge pile of foodgrain stocks. Farmers in Andhra Pradesh still have over 30 percent of their stock from the previous season. Taking advantage of the stock pile, millers in the area are procuring the produce at a huge discount to the MSP (Rs 6.5-7 per kg as compared to Rs 10.80 per kg of MSP).


The government’s decision to allow exports of rice came five months after it knew that the country would have a bumper crop. The only people who will benefit from this export quota are traders and millers who have the financial muscle to hold the inventory and take advantage of higher prices and such sudden quota releases.


According to a Nabard report, small and marginal farmers who account for 80 percent of total land holdings and 36 percent of area have no access to bank credit. Thus releasing an export quota, when the domestic farmer is bleeding is playing right in the hands of the traders (read hoarders).


The bigger problem is, such attitude of the government at a time when it is contemplating to introduce and implement the Food Security Bill, will be very dangerous for the agriculture sector. If the bill is enacted, grain procurement would increase to 60 million tonnes as compared to around 40 million tonnes currently. The MSP has to be properly calculated and implemented if the government is expecting success for the bill.


      Issues related to farmers do not generally get the same kind of attention as news related to food inflation. Take for example, the ‘crop holiday’ announced by farmers in Andhra Pradesh for this kharif season. Don’t think that this phenomenon will be confined to Andhra Pradesh. Those leading the ‘crop holiday’ campaign have begun to talk to their peers in Punjab, Tamil Nadu and Karnataka, asking them to go on a partial crop holiday as a mark of protest against net negative incomes.


These farmers belong neither to the rain-fed areas nor the drought-prone regions. They belong to the water-rich districts of East and West Godavari, Krishna and Nellore.


 The reason for not growing kharif crops is: 


1)  it has become unviable.
2) The cost of production is far higher than the returns they get.


The extent of area under crop holiday is not insignificant. Farmers’ organisations have put it at three lakh acres! One may dismiss this, saying that it is just a fraction of the total arable land in the country. But when you convert acres into yields, it will certainly send a chill down your spine. At five tonnes an acre (two in kharif and three in rabi), the country is all set to lose 15 lakh tonnes this year!


If more farmers in Andhra Pradesh and other States join this new kind of protest, the extent of loss would be much higher and pose a serious threat to country’s food security. More than the loss itself, the desperation in the farming community poses a long-term challenge.


IMMEDIATE EFFECTS


The problem deserves immediate attention, because it is not a problem that can wait. After suffering for several seasons, it occurred to the farmers that it makes sense (by not making losses) for them to skip a season. This mirrors a serious crisis in Indian agriculture. If the thinking in the water-rich areas is such, one can only imagine the plight of those farmers in rain-fed areas.


One can argue that this is just a protest and that farmers cannot afford to do this forever. Agreed. But this is a strong political statement by farmers, with serious implications for food security and employment in rural areas. This crisis is driving the youth away from agriculture and allied activity. You find almost no young people to carry out farming chores or to work in the fields. And this is certainly not going help the country as it braces to feed 140 crore people in 2026.

"Indian Agrarian Crises: Crop Holiday"



          It all started with 500 farmers in Achanta, a village in Andhra Pradesh’s West Godavari district, covering around 4,500 acres of land. The farmers decided to declare a ‘crop holiday’, which means "Which means "the fight with inflation will start all over again".
the agricultural equivalent of a manufacturing shutdown.What started as a small movement of non-cooperation is picking up steam in Andhra Pradesh and neighbouring southern states. It could threaten to engulf some northern states, too. If the movement spreads, the UPA’s Food Security Bill and anti-inflation strategy will be in tatters.


The crop holiday has now spread to 300,000 acres in Andhra Pradesh alone, which would result in a loss of 1.5 million tonnes of rice for the year. This quantity is 5 lakh tonnes more than the government’s export quota for the year.


If the movement catches on in other states, Achanta could set off a new power struggle to change the terms of trade between industry and agriculture, urban and rural areas. This small village was a testing ground for the green revolution in the mid-1960s.


There are two main reasons for the farmers to ‘revolt’ in such a manner. 


1) The first is that the cost of production, after NREGA (National Rural Employment Guarantee Act) pushed up costs all-around. Even if the crop is sold at the minimum support price (MSP), farmers say they are making losses. This is because the data used to calculate the MSP of rice is based on 2007-08 numbers.


 Labour costs have shot up over four-fold with the implementation of NREGA. During the peak agricultural season their cost is around Rs 350-400 per day. While there is no need to deny higher wages for the lowest sections of society, a similar increase in MSP was needed to offset this cost, as was recommended by the National Commission for Farmers, headed by Prof  MS Swaminathan, aimed at redressing the distressing conditions of 600 million farmers. The commission had suggested increasing the MSP by 50 percent across the board. 


To ensure that NREGA does not make agriculture viable, the Centre has asked states to avoid making NREGA active during the peak agricultural season, says


The difference between the wages of agriculture and non-agriculture workers has increased from 1:1.8 in 1950s to 1:5.2 in 2010; in other words, a person deciding to stay back in his village and work will be paid one-fifth of what he will get if he decides to work in a manufacturing sector. The 11th Plan highlights the tale of an agriculture worker when it says “GDP per agricultural worker is currently around Rs 2,000 per month, which is only about 75% higher in real terms than in 1950 compared to a four-fold increase in overall real per capita GDP”.


2)The second reason is the huge pile of foodgrain stocks. Farmers in Andhra Pradesh still have over 30 percent of their stock from the previous season. Taking advantage of the stock pile, millers in the area are procuring the produce at a huge discount to the MSP (Rs 6.5-7 per kg as compared to Rs 10.80 per kg of MSP).


The government’s decision to allow exports of rice came five months after it knew that the country would have a bumper crop. The only people who will benefit from this export quota are traders and millers who have the financial muscle to hold the inventory and take advantage of higher prices and such sudden quota releases.


According to a Nabard report, small and marginal farmers who account for 80 percent of total land holdings and 36 percent of area have no access to bank credit. Thus releasing an export quota, when the domestic farmer is bleeding is playing right in the hands of the traders (read hoarders).


The bigger problem is, such attitude of the government at a time when it is contemplating to introduce and implement the Food Security Bill, will be very dangerous for the agriculture sector. If the bill is enacted, grain procurement would increase to 60 million tonnes as compared to around 40 million tonnes currently. The MSP has to be properly calculated and implemented if the government is expecting success for the bill.


      Issues related to farmers do not generally get the same kind of attention as news related to food inflation. Take for example, the ‘crop holiday’ announced by farmers in Andhra Pradesh for this kharif season. Don’t think that this phenomenon will be confined to Andhra Pradesh. Those leading the ‘crop holiday’ campaign have begun to talk to their peers in Punjab, Tamil Nadu and Karnataka, asking them to go on a partial crop holiday as a mark of protest against net negative incomes.


These farmers belong neither to the rain-fed areas nor the drought-prone regions. They belong to the water-rich districts of East and West Godavari, Krishna and Nellore.


 The reason for not growing kharif crops is: 


1)  it has become unviable.
2) The cost of production is far higher than the returns they get.


The extent of area under crop holiday is not insignificant. Farmers’ organisations have put it at three lakh acres! One may dismiss this, saying that it is just a fraction of the total arable land in the country. But when you convert acres into yields, it will certainly send a chill down your spine. At five tonnes an acre (two in kharif and three in rabi), the country is all set to lose 15 lakh tonnes this year!


If more farmers in Andhra Pradesh and other States join this new kind of protest, the extent of loss would be much higher and pose a serious threat to country’s food security. More than the loss itself, the desperation in the farming community poses a long-term challenge.


IMMEDIATE EFFECTS


The problem deserves immediate attention, because it is not a problem that can wait. After suffering for several seasons, it occurred to the farmers that it makes sense (by not making losses) for them to skip a season. This mirrors a serious crisis in Indian agriculture. If the thinking in the water-rich areas is such, one can only imagine the plight of those farmers in rain-fed areas.


One can argue that this is just a protest and that farmers cannot afford to do this forever. Agreed. But this is a strong political statement by farmers, with serious implications for food security and employment in rural areas. This crisis is driving the youth away from agriculture and allied activity. You find almost no young people to carry out farming chores or to work in the fields. And this is certainly not going help the country as it braces to feed 140 crore people in 2026.

Choosing Optionals in IAS Mains Exam......


With the changing face of the civil services examination from year 2011, when Civil Services Aptitude Test (CSAT) will replace the present scheme of preliminary examination, a lot of frequently asked questions regarding the selection of the optional papers will be put to rest for good. For instance, with the implementation of the CSAT (which means elimination of the optional subject from the preliminary exam) the following questions will not arise:

Do certain optionals have better prospects at the preliminary exam?
Is it necessary to retain the prelims optional for Mains?
Some optionals are paying at the preliminary examination but not at Mains. Thus, is it better to change optionals at the Mains stage?
When the same optional is chosen for the prelims & mains exam, is there a need of preparing that optional for mains?
However, since there will be no change in the pattern of the Mains Examination wherein it will be required to opt for two optional subjects (same as in the present structure), “which optional subject should I take?” will remain the starting point for every aspirant in his/her IAS exam preparation strategy.

FAQ 1: List of optional subjects in the Mains exam.

Ans: For the optional papers in the Main Examination, UPSC has a list of about twenty-six (26) subjects out of which two subjects have to be selected by a candidate.

(1) Agriculture, (2) Animal Husbandry & Veterinary Science, (3) Botany, (4) Chemistry, (5) Civil Engg., (6) Commerce & Accountancy, (7) Economics, (8) Electrical Engg., (9) Geography, (10) Geology, (11) Indian History, (12) Law, (13) Mathematics, (14) Mechanical Engg., (15) Medical Science, (16) Philosophy, (17) Physics, (18) Political Science, (19) Psychology, (20) Public Administration, (21) Sociology, (22) Statistics, (23) Zoology, (24) Anthropology, (25) Management,

(26) Literature of one of these languages:

(a) Arabic, (b) Assamese, (c) Bengali, (d) Chinese, (e) English, (f) French, (g) German, (h) Gujarati, (i) Hindi, (j) Kannada, (k) Kashmiri, (l) Konkani, (m) Malayalam, (n) Manipuri, (o) Marathi, (p) Nepali, (q) Oriya, (r) Pali, (s) Persian, (t) Punjabi, (u) Russian, (v) Sanskrit, (w) Sindhi, (x) Tamil, (y) Telugu, (z) Urdu

FAQ 2: Which combinations are not allowed in IAS Examination?

Ans: The combinations not allowed are:

Political Science & International Relations and Public Administration
Commerce & Accountancy and Management
Anthropology and Sociology
Mathematics and Statistics
Agriculture & Animal Husbandry and Veterinary Science
Management and Public Administration
Any two branches of engineering
Animal Husbandry & Veterinary Science and Medical Science
Combination of two literatures in the list above
FAQ 3: How should I select my optional subjects? Which optional subjects should I take?

Ans: It is extremely important that the correct optional subjects are taken up and it is advised that aspirants take optionals for which the success rate in the recent past has been good. Arriving at the right optionals set is not that simple, however, an aspirant must evaluate his/her Interest in a particular subject.

Interest: Choose a subject that you have an (a) aptitude for and (b) the one in which you have more than just a passing interest. Aspirant should be prepared to spend 100s of hours with the chosen subject.

Availability of Resources: Secondly, find out how easily is the study material, guidance, coaching, etc available in a particular optional subject. Availability of quality guidance makes learning of the subject easy.

Subject Knowledge: Graduation/post-graduation subject should be taken if you are comfortable with it. That will certainly help in the preparation since you have good knowledge in the subject area. But do not take it if you had only a passing interest in it in college.

Before finalizing an optional:

Analyse the syllabus in detail
Analyse the last ten years question paper to figure out a subject’s difficulty level
Don’t take a subject just because everyone else is taking it
Science subjects should be handled by people with ONLY science background
Art subjects can be handled by ALL

Sunday, July 17, 2011

'You can't blame liberalization for all our woes'




It's convenient to externalise the enemy, says national convenor of the Jan Swasthya Abhiyan, B Ekbal, but it's the lack of political commitment and glaring deficiencies in the system that are really responsible for the mess the public health sector is in. In this interview, Dr Ekbal discusses the JSA campaign and the decline in Kerala's model healthcare system
Fresh from the partial victory scored by the Left Front parties over the controversial Patents (Amendment) Bill, against which the Jan Swasthya Abhiyan (JSA) lobbied extensively with MPs and health policymakers, JSA national convenor B Ekbal, however, asserts that the "battle is far from over" and adds that close monitoring will be essential to safeguard the hard-won concessions.
An informal alliance of 21 networks working on public health-related issues in different parts of the country, the JSA was formed as a follow-up to the first People's Health Assembly in Savar, Bangladesh, in December 2000 and the National People's Health Assembly held in Kolkata prior to that.
The Savar conclave witnessed the coming together of thousands of civil society organisations and people's movements from various countries, to draw up an action plan to pressure governments around the globe to implement the 1970 Alma Ata pledge of 'Health for All by 2000'.
Talking to InfoChange Agenda , Dr Ekbal details the campaigns taken up by the JSA, during the past four years, at the national, state and grassroots level to further the alliance's goals. He also talks of the decline in the healthcare system in his native Kerala, once lauded as a model for public healthcare systems in the country.
How did a neurosurgeon like you get involved in public health and access to healthcare? How did you get involved with the Jan Swasthya Abhiyan?
After finishing my medical studies in 1970 I got actively involved with the Kerala Sastra Sahitya Parishad (KSSP), which was taking up health-related issues apart from other social concerns relating to education, the environment, etc. I was also closely interacting with the Medico Friends Circle (MFC), which had then taken up a nationwide campaign against the selling of banned drugs in India . So, my interest in public health issues goes back some 25-30 years. As an activist of the People's Science Movement, I also got the opportunity to interact with several national and international organisations working on issues of right to healthcare.
The Jan Swasthya Abhiyan was founded in India as part of the Global People's Health Movement, following the first People's Health Assembly at Savar in 2000. Before heading for the Savar assembly, national networks and NGOs had come together in Kolkata to organise the National Health Assembly, which declared the major goals of the Indian people's health movement in the form of an Indian People's Health Charter.
What have the JSA's activities been? What do you see as its achievements? At the micro-level, in terms of specific programmes, and at the national level, in terms of policy, would you say that it is making a difference?
I feel the JSA's campaigns are definitely beginning to have an impact, both at the national and state levels. At the policy-level, our foremost concern is to address the healthcare issue from a rights perspective. In this we have got very crucial support from the National Human Rights Commission (NHRC). The national-level public hearing ( jan sunwai ) on the right to healthcare, organised in Delhi in December 2004, clearly recognised our demand for the right to healthcare to be included in the chapter on fundamental rights of the Indian Constitution. The national public hearing, which was held following a series of regional public hearings in different parts of the country, also demanded the enactment of a Public Health Act by the central and state governments.
Several structural anomalies in the public healthcare system, exposed in the personal testimonies of those who participated in the jan sunwais , are also being followed up in various states, notably Karnataka and Tamil Nadu. We have also prepared a format to hold jan sunwaisright down to the panchayat, taluka, district and state level, in all the states.
Close monitoring of the public healthcare system, with the active participation of the state human rights commissions, people's representatives, bureaucrats and public health activists, will make the system more responsive. For instance, in Karnataka, during the regional public hearing, we found that some three or four primary healthcare centres (PHCs) were located close to each other in one particular district, forcing people from other parts of the district to travel long distances to avail of their services. Some of the PHCs have since been relocated.
In Kerala also, we hope to start the state-level jan sunwai from June-July. The purpose of these public hearings is not to find fault but to rectify structural anomalies in the public healthcare system, such as lack of adequate medicines and other infrastructural facilities like blood banks and investigative facilities at government hospitals, which force people to turn to private sector hospitals.
In Kerala, the JSA took up the Patents (Amendment) Bill in a big way, initiating a debate, briefing MPs on the technical details, and collecting over 300,000 signatures. I can confidently say that the JSA played a small role in the Left parties' success in wresting major concessions from the government in the Patents (Amendment) Bill.
Though the JSA's ultimate goal is to see that TRIPS is taken out of the WTO, for the time being we have to accept the reality of product patents becoming the norm, instead of the earlier process patent. However, given the present political situation, the left parties have been able to wrest substantial gains from the government, including reducing the number of drugs to be patented, compulsory licensing and the exclusion of a clause preventing the export of cheap Indian drugs to other developing countries.
What are some of the JSA's future activities? What do you see as the big problems ahead?
The follow-up of public hearings will remain an important focus area.
The national working group of the JSA, which will meet in Kolkata in April, will examine the Rural Health Mission announced by the Government of India. Also in Kolkata on April 16-17, the JSA is organising a seminar on the Indian pharmaceutical industry. Apart from the patents rules, several other issues facing the industry, including the status of public sector companies and price control mechanisms, will be discussed.
Some of the other campaigns taken up by JSA constituents include those relating to children and gender issues, geriatric problems and the changing demographic profile, mental health, and HIV/AIDS.
Also, an appraisal of the General Agreement of Trade in Services, and its impact on health, education and other sectors and the public health impact of new technologies like biotechnology and reproductive technologies will be initiated shortly.
Which are the participating organisations in the JS The JSA is an example of collaboration between political organisations and NGOs, and even religious organisations, some of which have in the past been distrustful of each other. How did this collaboration come about?
Groups working on public health issues, ranging from the extreme left to those professing Gandhian ideology and faith-based organisations, have been in touch with each other for a number of years. They have discussed major issues at length with each other in an effort to arrive at some sort of clarity on them, if not consensus, on such organisational platforms like the Medico Friends Circle, All India Drug Action Network and National Campaign Committee on Drug Policy. Starting with 18 networks, the JSA has grown to an informal alliance of 21 networks. All these networks work in a decentralised manner, taking up issues jointly at the national level as well as individually at the local level.   
The People's Health Charter, adopted after the Kolkata meet, is a consensus document. Thus, there is some degree of unanimity, a common bandwidth, among the groups constituting the JSA. 
Also, there have been major changes in the world and the country in the past 10 years. In the face of imperialist globalisation and other threats facing the country, it is important for these groups to face these challenges unitedly. There are several factors binding these groups together. There is no time to quarrel. There are larger issues, stronger enemies that we have to fight together.
There has been consensus among the participating networks on the issues to be taken up. So far, there has been no problem. Some of the 21 groups that constitute the JSA include the Medico Friends Circle, Bharat Gyan Vigyan Samiti, All India Democratic Women's Association, All India People's Science Movement, Catholic Hospital Associations of India, Christian Medical Association of India, Voluntary Health Association of India, Ramakrishna Mission, Federation of Medical Representatives Association of India, Forum for Creche and Child Care Services, National Federation of Indian Women, Joint Wormen's Programme, All India Drug Action Network and National Alliance of People's Movement.
When it comes to health issues, there is no real categorisation of left or right groups.
What do you see as the strengths of such collaborations? What are the problems?
The biggest advantage of working in an informal manner is that each group is free to take up the issues that it considers important. There is complete decentralisation. Also, the issues to be taken up at the national policy level have been decided through consensus and there has been no difference of opinion so far on these.
There are, however, some disadvantages also in working in such an informal manner. There is no funding from anywhere for the JSA. There is no office also. Thus, some of our efforts do take more time to get off the ground.
Kerala was once seen as an ideal healthcare system, with an extensive network of government health services and high health indicators. Have there been any changes in healthcare access in Kerala since 1991? What has been the effect of neo-liberal policies at the national level? There are studies, including those by the KSSP, indicating that healthcare costs have shot up in Kerala, with the private sector playing a greater role than before. What has led to this situation?
It is true that there has been a definite decline in the Kerala public healthcare system. However, I trace the decline not to 1991 but prior to that, to the early-1980s. The chief cause for this has been a lowering of political commitment to healthcare issues. There has been no proper planning at the policy level. Even where funds are available in the government sector, there is no proper utilisation. The government is spending more money on building super-specialty hospitals than concentrating on the primary and secondary health tiers.
A study done by the KSSP as early as 1986 indicated that the public healthcare system in Kerala was on the decline. Disturbing trends had surfaced, mainly on account of the neglect of the primary and secondary healthcare sectors. New infectious diseases like Japanese encephalitis, leptospirosis and dengue fever have surfaced, and malaria has returned. Rising consumerism, resulting in changes in food habits, has also led to an increase in lifestyle-related diseases such as diabetes and hypertension.
The changing demographic profile, with an increasingly ageing population, has given rise to another set of geriatric health issues. Studies show that the suicide rate in Kerala is three times the national average. This indicates the weak mental make-up of the people, unable to cope with stress and other social problems. 
The KSSP study also highlighted that a majority of the population was turning to private sector hospitals for treatment. Even among the poorest, nearly 40% relied on the private sector, which, in Kerala's case, is totally unregulated. Lack of investigative facilities and drugs also forces those going to government hospitals for treatment to turn to the private sector for these services.
Another study, taking the 1986-1996 sample period, showed that people's healthcare expenditure had gone up by five times.
As for the impact of the neo-liberal policies of 1991, I think that they have had only a minimal impact on the total health scenario so far. The major issues are the result of internal factors. It is convenient to externalise the enemy and to blame globalisation or liberalisation. The fact of the matter is that there are glaring deficiencies in the system itself, which are not being addressed. To blame liberalisation for all our woes is a cliché now. It is actually lack of political commitment that has largely brought about a
decline in the public healthcare system in Kerala. However, in the near future, because of changes in the Patent Act in India drug prices are likely to increase. This will affect the people of Kerala more than those in other states because more than 90% of people in Kerala access modern medical treatment. Also, the introduction of user fees at public hospitals as part of the liberalisation agenda will definitely lead to the internal privatisation of public health institutions.
The difference that political will can make to the system is made evident by the major policy initiative introduced by the Left Front government in Kerala in 1996, under the People's Campaign for Decentralisation. Under this, 35% of the plan budget was allocated to local bodies for all their activities. Of this, 40% could be used for social services sectors like health and education.
This led to a dramatic improvement in the facilities available at some PHCs and taluka hospitals. Surveys showed an especially excellent improvement in some of the more backward districts like Malappuram, Idukki and Wayanad, where the incidence of infectious diseases could be controlled. In a few places, private hospitals had to be closed down as people found government sector facilities to be on a par with them.     
According to a rough estimate, one could say that nearly 40% of panchayats are performing well in service delivery, following the people's decentralisation campaign. However, with the coming of the UDF government four years ago, the tempo has again slowed down. Funds have not been released on time. New rules have been put in place to curtail the transfer of funds to local bodies. The Planning Board, which was playing an active role in the decentralisation campaign, has been distanced from the process.
The UDF government has also allowed self-financing medical colleges to come up. Students who pay Rs 25,00,000-30,00,000 to get into private colleges are hardly bothered about ethical issues or the doctor-patient relationship. They see medicine only as a source of making money.
However, all hope is not lost. The decentralisation process has been set in motion and it cannot be dismantled. A change of government in the state could revive the stalled process.

EMPLOYEES' PROVIDENT FUND SCHEME 1952

Employee Definition:

"Employee" as defined in Section 2(f) of the Act means any person who is employee for wages in any kind of work manual or otherwise, in or in connection with the work of an establishment and who gets wages directly or indirectly from the employer and includes any person employed by or through a contractor in or in connection with the work of the establishment.


Membership:

All the employees (including casual, part time, Daily wage contract etc.) other then an excluded employee are required to be enrolled as members of the fund the day, the Act comes into force in such establishment.

Basic Wages:

"Basic Wages" means all emoluments which are earned by employee while on duty or on leave or holiday with wages in either case in accordance with the terms of the contract of employment and witch are paid or payable in cash, but dose not include

a.       The cash value of any food concession;
b.      Any dearness allowance (that is to say, all cash payment by whatever name called paid to an employee on account of a rise in the cost of living), house rent allowance, overtime allowance, bonus, commission or any other allowance payable to the employee in respect of employment or of work done in such employment.
c.       Any present made by the employer.
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Excluded Employee:
"Exclude Employee" as defined under pare 2(f) of the Employees' Provident Fund Scheme means an employee who having been a member of the fund has withdraw the full amount of accumulation in the fund on retirement from service after attaining the age of 55 years; Or An employee, whose pay exceeds Rs. Five Thousand per month at the time, otherwise entitled to become a member of the fund. 


Explanation:
'Pay' includes basic wages with dearness allowance, retaining allowance, (if any) and cash value of food concessions admissible thereon.


Employee Provident Fund Scheme:
Employees' Provident Fund Scheme takes care of following needs of the members: 
(i)   Retirement                                (ii) Medical Care                       (iii) Housing
(iv) Family obligation                        (v) Education of Children 
(vi) Financing of Insurance Polices


How the Employees' Provident Fund Scheme works:As per amendment-dated 22.9.1997 in the Act, both the employees and employer contribute to the fund at the rate of 12% of the basic wages, dearness allowance and retaining allowance, if any, payable to employees per month. The rate of contribution is 10% in the case of following establishments:

·         Any covered establishment with less then 20 employees, for establishments cover prior to 22.9.97.
·         Any sick industrial company as defined in clause (O) of Sub-Section (1) of Section 3 of the Sick Industrial Companies (Special Provisions) Act, 1985 and which has been declared as such by the Board for Industrial and Financial Reconstruction,
·         Any establishment which has at the end of any financial year accumulated losses equal to or exceeding its entire net worth and
·         Any establishment engaged in manufacturing of  (a) jute  (b) Breed  (d) coir  and  (e)  Guar gum Industries/ Factories. The contribution under the Employees' Provident Fund Scheme by the employee and employer will be as under with effect from 22.9.1997.    
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Employees' Provident Fund Interest rate:
The rate of interest is fixed by the Central Government in consultation with the Central Board of trustees, Employees' Provident Fund every year during March/April. The interest is credited to the members account on monthly running balance with effect from the last day in each year. The rate of interest for the year 1998-99 has been notified as 12%. The rate of interest for 99-2000 w.e.f. 1.7.'99 was 11% on monthly balances. 2000-2001 CBT recommended 10.25% to be notified by the Government.


Benefits:
A) A member of the provident fund can withdraw full amount at the credit in the fund on retirement from service after attaining the age of 55 year. Full amount in provident fund can also be withdraw by the member under the following circumstance:

·         A member who has not attained the age of 55 year at the time of termination of service.
·         A member is retired on account of permanent and total disablement due to bodily or mental infirmity.
·         On migration from India for permanent settlement abroad or for taking employment abroad.
·         In the case of mass or individual retrenchment.
B) In the case of the following contingencies, the payment of provident fund be made after complementing a continuous period of not less than two months immediately preceding the date on which the application for withdrawal is made by the member:
·         Where employees of close establishment are transferred to other establishment, which is not covered under the Act:
·         Where a member is discharged and is given retrenchment compensation under the Industrial Dispute Act, 1947.

Withdrawal before retirement:
A member can withdraw upto 90% of the amount of provident fund at credit after attaining the age of 54 years or within one year before actual retirement on superannuation whichever is later. Claim application in form 19 may be submitted to the concerned Provident Fund Office.


Accumulations of a deceased member:
Amount of Provident Fund at the credit of the deceased member is payable to nominees/ legal heirs. Claim application in form 20 may be submitted to the concerned Provident Fund Office.


Transfer of Provident Fund account:Transfer of Provident Fund account from one region to other, from Exempted Provident Fund Trust to Unexampled Fund in a region and vice-versa can be done as per Scheme. Transfer Application in form 13 may be submitted to the concerned Provident Fund Office.


Nomination:The member of Provident Fund shall make a declaration in Form 2, a nomination conferring the right to receive the amount that may stand to the credit in the fund in the event of death. The member may furnish the particulars concerning himself and his family. These particulars furnished by the member of Provident Fund in Form 2 will help the Organization in the building up the data bank for use in event of death of the member.


Annual Statement of account:
As soon as possible and after the close of each period of currency of contribution, annual statements of accounts will de sent to each member through of the factory or other establishment where the member was last employed. The statement of accounts in the fund will show the opening balance at the beginning of the period, amount contribution during the year, the total amount of interest credited at the end of the period or any withdrawal during the period and the closing balance at the end of the period. Member should satisfy themselves as to the correctness f the annual statement of accounts and any error should be brought through employer to the notice of the correctness Provident Fund Office within 6 months of the receipt of the 

statement.




What is Provident Fund?

There are two type of provident funds :
2. PPF (Public provident Fund)


What are they ?

Employee Provident Fund (EPF)
The Employee Provident Fund, is a retirement benefit scheme that is available to salariedemployees.
Under this scheme, a stipulated amount (currently 12%) is deducted from the employee's salary and contributed towards the fund. This amount is decided by the government.The employer also contributes an equal amount to the fund.
However, an employee can contribute more than the stipulated amount if the scheme allows for it. So, let's say the employee decides 15% must be deducted towards the EPF. In this case, the employer is not obligated to pay any contribution over and above the amount as stipulated, which is 12%.
Other Points :
-----------------------
- If you urgently need the money, you can take a loan on your PF. You can also make a premature withdrawal on the condition that you are withdrawing the money for your daughter's wedding (not son or not even yours) or you are buying a home.
- tax benefit under Sec 80C.
- The amount if withdrawn after completing 5 years in job will not be taxable.

Public Provident Fund (PPF)
The Public Provident Fund has been established by the central government. You can voluntarily decide to open one. You need not be a salaried individual, you could be a consultant, a freelancer or even working on a contract basis. You can also open this account if you are not earning.
Any individual can open a PPF account in any nationalised bank or its branches that handle PPF accounts. You can also open it at the head post office or certain select post offices.
You can take a loan on the PPF from the third year of opening your account to the sixth year. So, if the account is opened during the financial year 1997-98, the first loan can be taken during financial year 1999-2000 (the financial year is from April 1 to March 31).
The loan amount will be up to a maximum of 25% of the balance in your account at the end of the first financial year. In this case, it will be March 31, 1998.
You can make withdrawals during any one year from the sixth year. You are allowed to withdraw 50% of the balance at the end of the fourth year, preceding the year in which the amount is withdrawn or the end of the preceding year whichever is lower.
For example, if the account was opened in 1993-94 and the first withdrawal was made during 1999-2000, the amount you can withdraw is limited to 50% of the balance as on March 31, 1996, or March 31, 1999, whichever is lower.
If the account extended beyond 15 years, partial withdrawal -- up to 60% of the balance you have at the end of the 15 year period -- is allowed.

Where can you open a PPF account (India)
- At designated post offices throughout the country
- At designated branches of Public Sector Banks throughout the country.

Deposit limits
- Minimum deposit required is Rs. 500 in a financial year.
- Maximum deposit limit is Rs. 70,000 in a financial year.
-Maximum number of deposits is twelve in a financial year.

Other Points:
-----------------------
- Return on investment : 8%
tax benefit under Sec 80C , no tax on the maturity and no tax on interest earned.
- If you’re involved in a legal dispute, a court cannot attach or question the money in your PPF account.

Who shall invest in PPF
--------------------------------
Its mainly for people who are very conservative and cant take risk to great extent. Any one who wants to invest for long term in some secure saving instrument must invest in PPF. To achieve long term goals there are many option like:
- Mutual Funds (Equity)
- Shares (Equity )
- PPF (Debt)
- Fixed Deposit (Debt)
- NSC (Debt)
- Others
Out of these , all under Debt catagory are safe. PPF is the most recommended if the investment horizon is very long like 15+ years.

Saturday, July 16, 2011

IAS Aspirants can now choose any Indian language for the Personality Test Interview

The Union Public Service Commission (UPSC) has informed the Bombay high court that candidates, who opt for an Indian language medium (other than Hindi) for the written Civil Services exam, can henceforth either choose the same Indian language, English or Hindi for the interview. Similarly, even those candidates, who give the main exam in English, can now choose English, Hindi or any other Indian language for the interview, opted by them for the compulsory Indian language paper in the written part of the test, UPSC said, in an affidavit, recently. The affidavit was submitted in response to a PIL filed by IAS aspirant Chittaranjan Kumar, challenging the existing rule that requires a candidate to give the interview in English, if he had appeared for the main examination in that language.
The Candidates, who are, as per the present policy, exempted from the compulsory Indian language paper, will have to appear for the interview in English or Hindi only, the affidavit said, adding that these were the recommendations submitted by an expert committee, formed specially to look into the issue. The recommendations had been accepted by the UPSC and forwarded to the Government with a request to send comments or observations. After hearing from the government, the UPSC would incorporate the necessary changes and implement them, the court was told. Accordingly, Chief Justice Mohit Shah and Justice GS Godbole disposed of the petition. Kumar, who appeared for the written part of the 2008 civil services examination in English, wanted to give the interview in Hindi. Earlier, the High Court had approved the committee of experts appointed by the UPSC to review the impugned rule and file a report by June 23. The PIL argued that if the existing rule is changed, the candidates appearing for Civil Services examination shall get an opportunity to speak in their own language in which they feel comfortable at the time of interview and thus score more marks in the oral test. This way, students from the grassroots level will grab more seats by securing higher rank and break the tradition of elites getting into the civil service, the PIL argued. The PIL contended that impugned rule was pro-rich and anti-poor. It said the interviewers should judge a candidate on the basis of his or her personality and not on the basis of speaking English.The existing rule violates fundamental rights under the constitution and is also against public policy of the nation, the PIL argued.

Thursday, July 14, 2011

Panchayat Extension to Scheduled Areas (PESA) Act


Background

Article 40 of the Constitution of India provides that the State shall take stepsto organize village Panchayats andendow them with such powers and authority toenable them to function as units of local self Government. However, even after the recommendations of the Balwant Rai Mehta Committee and Ashoka Mehta Committee on Panchayats had been put into force, several ills continued to afflict the Panchayati Raj System in the country in the post independence period. There were long delays in holding of Panchayat elections,frequent suspension/supersession/dissolution of thePanchayat bodies, lack of functional and financialautonomy, inadequate representation of marginalized and weaker sections and meager, occasional andtied Government grants. This crippled the functioning of Panchayats and did not allow them to function asinstitutions of local Self Government as had beenenvisaged in the Constitution.
An imperative need accordingly emerged to enshrine in the Constitution of India, certain basic and essential features of local self-government so as to enable local bodies to function as institutions of self-governance both in planning and implementation of development programmes. ConsequentlyConstitution (73rd Amendment) Act, 1992 was passed and was brought into force with effect from24.4.1993. The Act does not apply to Schedule V and VI Areas of Assam, Tripura, Meghalaya and Mizoram, State of Nagaland, hill areas of the State of Manipur for which District Councils exist and the District of Darjeeling in the State of West Bengal.

The amendment Act has not yet been extended toJ&K.

The main features of the Act are –  

(i) a 3-tiersystem of Panchayati Raj for all States havingpopulation of over 20 lakh; 
(ii) Panchayat electionsregularly every 5 years;
 (iii) reservation of seats forScheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes and women(not less than one-third of seats); (iv) appointmentof State Finance Commission to makerecommendations as regards the financial powersof the Panchayats an
 (v) constitution of DistrictPlanning Committees to prepare development plansfor the district as a whole. 

As per the Constitution(73rd Amendment) Act, the Panchayati Raj Institutions have been endowed with such powers and authority as may be necessary to function as institutions of self-government and contains provisions of devolution of powers and responsibilities upon Panchayats at the appropriate level with reference to 
(a) the preparation of plans for economicdevelopment and social justice; and
(b) the implementation of such schemes for economic development and social justice as may be entrustedto them.

Financial Powers of Panchayati Raj Institutions

Article 243-G of the Constitution of Indiaprovides that the States/UTs may, by law, endowthe Panchayats with such powers and authority asmay be necessary to enable them to function asinstitutions of self-government and to prepare plansfor economic development and social justice andtheir implementation including those in relation to thematters listed in the Eleventh Schedule.As per Article 243-H of the Constitution, StateLegislatures have been empowered to enact laws:X to authorise a Panchayat to levy, collect andappropriate some taxes, duties, tolls and fees;X to assign to the Panchayat, some taxes, duties,tolls levied and collected by the StateGovernment;

to provide for making grants-in-aid to the Panchayats from the Consolidated Fund of theState; and

to provide for constitution of such funds forPanchayats for crediting all money received by or
 on behalf of Panchayats and also the with drawal of such money there from.The provisions of the 73rd Amendment Act canbe categorized into mandatory provisions and discretionary provisions. Keeping in view the factthat matters pertaining to local government a reprovided in the State List and thus fall within the jurisdiction of the State Government and given the vastness and the politico-administrative diversity ofthe country, States have been provided withdiscretionary powers on subjects like composition of the Panchayats, devolution of powers, functions,finances and system of auditing of panchayat Accounts etc. However, the Amendment makes itmandatory for the State Governments to holdelections regularly every five years, reserve seats for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes on proportional basis, give not less than 33% reservation to women, constitute a State Finance Commissionand State Election Commission every five years.

The Panchayats (Extension to theScheduled Areas) Act, 1996 (PESA,1996)

The Panchayats (Extension to the ScheduledAreas) Act, 1996 (PESA, 1996) was enacted andcame into operation on 24 December, 1996. ThisAct extends Panchayats to the tribal areas of nineStates, namely, Andhra Pradesh, Chhattisgarh,Gujarat, Himachal Pradesh, Jharkhand,Maharashtra, Madhya Pradesh, Orissa andRajasthan, which intends to enable tribal society toassume control over their own destiny to preserveand conserve their traditional rights over natural resources.
All the State Governments have enacted their State Legislations in pursuance with the PESA, 1996.However, the State Governments are required toamend all the relevant Acts/Rules to bring them inconformity with the provisions of the PESA, 1996.

Initiatives taken by the Ministry

A Conference of the Chief Ministers onPanchayati Raj was held on 2.8.1997 at VigyanBhavan, New Delhi, under the chairmanship of thethen Prime Minister to review the functioning of thePanchayati Raj Institutions where the outstandingissues like devolution of powers/functions andresponsibilities upon PRIs, setting up District PlanningCommittees, implementation of the reports of theState Finance Commissions, linkage of DRDAs withZilla Parishads, training to Panchayati Raj electedrepresentatives/functionaries, transparency in thefunctioning of these bodies were discussed in greatdetail.
The Ministry convened a Conference ofState Ministers of Rural Development and Panchayati Raj on May 13, 1998 and again inJuly, 2001 in which measures to strengthen PRIswere discussed.

Recent Initiatives

An All India Panchayat Adhyakshas Sammelanwas held in Delhi on 5-6 April, 2002 to build aconsensus on the measures needed for revitalizingand strengthening the Panchayati Raj System throughinteraction with elected representatives themselvesalongwith the States. The Sammelan, was attendedby about 1500 Chairpersons from the District,Intermediate and Village level Panchayats. TheSammelan was inaugurated by the then PrimeMinister Shri Atal Bihari Vajpayee. The then Leaderof Opposition Mrs. Sonia Gandhi, the then FinanceMinister, Mr. Yashwant Sinha, the then DefenceMinister Mr. George Fernandes, the then Ministerfor Information and Broadcasting, Mrs. Sushma Swaraj and several other State Panchayati RajMinisters attended the Sammelan. The Sammelan,inter-alia, resolved to augment the financial andadministrative powers of Panchayats to enable themto function as vibrant institutions of self government.The Prime Minister, while inaugurating the aboveSammelan, also emphasized the need for ushering inthe Second Generation of reforms on Panchayatsby further amending the Constitution (73rdAmendment) Act. The Sammelan urged all politicalparties and the Parliament to pass amendmentsconsidered necessary for the purpose.Accordingly, the Ministry of Rural Developmentinitiated the process of drafting further Amendmentsto the 73rd Amendment Act in consultation with theMinistry of Law, Department of Legal Affairs as wellas the Legislative Department. 

The DraftAmendments proposed to Part IX of the Constitutionby the Ministry, inter-alia, suggested mandatorydevolution of certain subjects and taxes on Local Bodies by the State Governments. The matter is beingfurther processed by the Ministry.

Conference of State Ministers of RuralDevelopment & Panchayati Raj was held on 27and 28 January, 2003 in which the decisions andrecommendations of earlier meetings were reiteratedand States were urged in particular to ensure speedydevolution of funds, functions and functionaries andempower the Gram Sabhas. Official level meetingshave also been held regularly to monitor the progressin this regard.

A meeting of Chairpersons of SFCs, StateFinance Secretaries and Panchayati Raj Secretaries was held at NIRD, Hyderabad on 9.5.2003 in whichmatters relating to augmenting local body financeswas discussed and impressed upon the State Governments for early action towards this direction.A Performance Review Committee meeting of State Secretaries of Rural Development andPanchayati Raj were held on 19-20 May, 2003 atNIRD, Hyderabad in which progress in theimplementation of various Rural DevelopmentProgrammes as well as the provisions of Constitution(73rd Amendment) Act and PESA Act were reviewed.

Panchayat Awards for BestPerformance
To provide encouragement to Panchayats toexcel in performance of their role, the Ministry ofRural Development has also launched a scheme captioned the Award for Best Panchayat in April, 2003. This award is to be given to 6 DistrictPanchayats, one in each of the 6 zones, 12Intermediate Panchayats and 50 Gram Panchayatsin the country on an annual basis. The amount ofaward will be Rs.30 lakhs each for DistrictPanchayats, Rs.20 lakhs each for Intermediate Panchayats and Rs.10 lakhs each for GramPanchayats.

Empowered Sub-Committee of theNational Development Council
In March, 2003, an Empowered Sub-Committee on Financial and AdministrativeEmpowerment of Panchayati Raj Institutions wasset up by Planning Commission in pursuance ofthe decision taken in the National DevelopmentCouncil with Minister of Rural Development asthe Chairperson and Minister of Finance andCompany Affairs, Deputy Chairman, PlanningCommission, Minister of Social Justice and Empowerment, Minister of Tribal Affairs and Chief Ministers of Assam, Bihar, Gujarat, Karnataka,Kerala, Madhya Pradesh, Punjab and Rajasthanas its Members.

The Terms of Reference of theCommittee include, interalia

* to review of the action taken by State Governments for empowerment of Panchayati Raj Institutions (PRIs) as per the 73rdConstitutional Amendment Act so that they canfunction as effective institutions of local selfgovernments;X to work out modalities for strengthening the financial domain of the PRIs through transferof resources from the Centre and StateGovernments;
* to assess the capacity of the PRIs to raiserevenues and other resources and to developan action plan in this regard;
* to analyse the capability of PRIs at differentlevels to absorb the financial allocation madeto the PRIs under different schemes and todevelop a framework to ensure fiscal disciplineand financial accountability at different levelsof PRIs;
*to indicate measures needed to be taken toensure administrative control of the PRIs overthe State Government functionaries dealing withsubjects listed in the 11th Schedule of theConstitution;
*to evolve a framework for preparation andprojectisation of local plans that reflect the feltneeds and aspirations of the people so thatdevelopment process becomes a peoples’movement;
* to assess the training requirements and workout training models/pattern for elected PRIfunctionaries and Government officials includingthe PRIs staff; and
* to work out a mechanism for linking the Centralassistance to State with progress onempowerment of PRIs.
The Empowered Sub Committee has alreadysince met twice to discuss these issues.

10 Years of Enactment of PanchayatiRaj Act – Debate in ParliamentTo commemorate the completion of 10 yearsof the enactment of the Constitution (73rd and 74thAmendment) Acts, the then Minister of RuralDevelopment, Shri Kashiram Rana introduced aMotion in both the Houses of Parliament on the 24July, 2003 to review the implementation of Part IXand IXA (on Panchayats and Municipalities). Boththe Houses of Parliament witnessed a lively debateon the subject spanning one/two days with a recordnumber of 39 speakers from almost all politicalparties having taken part in the debate in Lok Sabhaplacing their view point before the House in mostforceful manner. Similar intensity of debate waswitnessed in the Rajya Sabha. Both the Houses wereunanimous in acknowledging the achievements so farand expressing the need to further strengthen PRIsas envisaged in the Constitution. All issues whichconstitute the heart of the functioning of PRIs as Institutions of self governance such as those relating
to augmenting the financial and administrativepowers of the Panchayats by devolving the 3Fs i.e.funds, functions and functionaries in respect ofsubjects given in the XI Schedule on PRIs,empowering the Gram Sabhas as bodies of SocialAudit, operationalising District Planning Committeesto give effect to grassroot level planning formed partof the debate. Other suggestions related to therotation of seats of Chairpersons and the manner ofelections to the post of Chairperson at theIntermediate Panchayat and Zilla Panchayat level.Another Conference of State Secretaries ofRural Development and Panchayati Raj was heldon 3.9.2003 at National Institute of Public Financeand Policy (NIPFP), New Delhi with a view toformulate submission of proposals to Twelfth FinanceCommission towards grants to PRIs.
A meeting of Chairman, Scheduled Areas andScheduled Tribes Commission with Secretary (RD)was held on 30.9.2003 where implementation ofprovisions of the PESA Act was reviewed.A Conference of Project Directors of DRDAswas held on 9-10 October, 2003 in which a reviewwas taken regarding implementation of theprovisions of Constitution (73rd Amendment) Actand PESA Act by the State Governments/ UnionTerritories. The need was emphasized for speedingup action towards devolution of funds, functions andfunctionaries, setting up of State FinanceCommissions (SFCs) and District PlanningCommittees (DPCs).
With a view to determine the measures neededto augment the Consolidated Fund of a State tosupplement the resources of Panchayats andMunicipalities on the basis of recommendation ofSFCs, a proposal in the form of memorandum hasbeen submitted to the Twelfth Finance Commission.The Consultative Committee for the Ministryof Rural Development to discuss the issues relatingto Panchayati Raj was held on 11.12.2003 in theParliament House under the Chairmanship of thenMinister of Rural Development, Shri KashiramRana.
Performance Review Committee meeting ofSecretaries, Rural Development and Panchayati Rajwas held on 18-19 December, 2003 at Kolkatawhere implementation of provision of Constitution(73rd Amendment) Act and PESA Act werereviewed.

Research & Development Work
A Research Advisory Committee headed bythe Secretary (Rural Development) approvesproposals from voluntary organizations/institutionson Action Research studies related to PanchayatiRaj. The Ministry, apart from funding somecontinued studies, commissioned studies on issuessuch as :–
Assessment of PESA;
Decentralised Management of Rural Energy :Building Capacities of PRIs;Y Panchayati Raj & Natural ResourceManagement Post 73rd Amendment :Institutisonal Issues & Future Strategies.

Panchayat Development & Training(PD&T)
The success of the Panchayati Raj System hingeson the extent to which the capability of electedrepresentatives are developed to discharge theirfunctions and responsibilities effectively. The Schemeof Panchayat Development and Training (PD&T) isa Centrally sponsored scheme under which Centralassistance is provided to the States, NGOs andother institutions to supplement their efforts to imparttraining to the elected and official functionaries ofthe Panchayati Raj Institutions.
Under the Scheme, the States are released funds for holistic training plans for training of  PRIelected representatives and rural developmentfunctionaries with 75% of the expenditure met bythe Centre (25% additional assistance in case of hilly and North Eastern States). The Ministry has so farapproved such action plans of 22 States. An amountof Rs.21.61 crore was released during the year2003-2004 under the Scheme.



 In a report on auditing institution of the State for making democracy work, the section on Panchayats become critically important as the introduction of the Panchayat Raj system through the 73rd Constitutional Amendment is the most definitive step towards re-energizing democracy in the history of independent India. Unfortunately, this laudable initiative for decentralisation of governance has been circumvented by the alliance of elite political interests, change resistant bureaucracy and the rent seeking class, which has well entrenched interests in the continuation of a colonial centralised state structure. 

The 73rd Constitutional Amendment and ensuing state Panchayat Acts are progressive in nature and provide substantial space for responsive and participatory governance. Importantly, special provision for women, OBCs, SCs and STs are in built in the Act to protect and further the interest of vulnerable and marginalised sections. The Panchayat Extension to Scheduled Areas (PESA) Act provides special provision for function of Panchayats so as to protect and promote the tribal interests in accordance with the spirit of the scheduled areas as enshrined in the constitution. However, the actual implementation of the Act tells an entirely different story. In spite of the odds, the Panchayats generate some hope in a deeply troubled system of democracy. It also presents many micro examples of effective governance.


Adjuncts of the state governments: The Panchayats function at the mercy of state governments and are usually treated as mere adjuncts of a states politico-istrative machinery. Inspite of the fact that Panchayat are democratically elected bodies and are as much a constitutional body as Parliament or state assemblies.

Broad and representative democratic leadership: India now has constitutionally mandated 232,332 village panchayats, 6,000 intermediate panchayats and 534 zilla panchayats. The three tiers of these elected bodies consist of as many as 27,75,858 village panchayat members, 1,44,491 members of the intermediate panchayat and 15,067 members of the district panchayat.

Growing women leadership: Women head about 175 District panchayats, more than 2,000 Block panchayats and about 85,000 Gram panchayats. The southern states are fairing better in promoting women leadership compared to the northern states. Kerala, Karnataka, Andhra Pradesh, Tamil Nadu, West Bengal and Madhya Pradesh are some of the states, which have more than 33 per cent women leadership clearly indicating that some women have been elected from general seats.

Parliamentary review Committee on local self-governance: A decade after the 73rd and 74th constitutional Amendments, a Parliamentary Committee was constituted to review their impact and progress. This committee of the 13th Lok Sabha, chaired by Chandrakant Khare, comprising of 30 members from Lok Sabha and 13 members from Rajya Sabha, reviewed the 10 years of implementation of the Amendments and expressed that this period has witnessed a willful violation of Constitution with respect to devolution of rights to Panchayats. The committee also expressed unhappiness over the Action Taken Report presented by Ministry of Rural Development where the replies furnished by the Government were evasive, vague and inconclusive.

Ineffective fiscal decentralisation: State Finance Commissions (SFCs) have been constituted and have given their recommendations. However, only four states-Himachal Pradesh, Kerala, Rajasthan and West Bengal-have largely accepted the recommendations of their SFCs. In other states only some of the recommendations have been accepted. The total fund on the 29 subjects, roughly calculated to be Rs 72,000 crore, is only minimally devolved to the Panchayats. The central ministry has retained a large portion of approximately Rs 30,000 crore and an equally substantial sum is kept at the state level, which leaves only 5 to 10 per cent to be devolved to the Panchayats. Panchayats have invariably failed to generate their own revenue and are dependent on grants from the state and the centre to fulfill their responsibility. One important reason for poor resource generation by Panchayats is inadequate control of PRIs on natural, physical and human resources within their jurisdiction. Unfortunately, fiscal devolution is increasingly dependent on political pressures, market forces driven by contractors and, plain and simple corruption.

Parallel initiatives undermining Panchayats: With the evolution of PRIs, various parallel developmental schemes and institutions have been initiated directly undermining the legitimacy and role of Panchayats. MPLADS is one such scheme. It is worth noting that many of the works undertaken under the MPLAD scheme duplicate the development work taken up by the Panchayats. It is important to underscore that PRIs are starved of funds and the financial allocation under MPLADS was increased in 1999-2000 to Rs 2 crores per year for every MP. The centrally sponsored schemes (CSS) also undermine the PRIs. The share of centrally sponsored schemes (CSS) in the plan budget of central ministries has increased to 70 per cent as against 30 per cent in the early 80s. The state governments are also promoting special interest groups with vertical hierarchy and parallel authority to that of Panchayats, such as Janmabhoomi in Andhra Pradesh and Gram Vikas Samiti in Haryana. The last two to three years have been most unfortunate as the previous NDA government attempted to strengthen District Rural Development Agency (DRDA) as the principal organ at the district level for handling huge funds.

Complex procedures and lack of capacities: The governance procedures adopted for the Panchayats are extremely complex and are often a duplication of the state government rules and procedures. Particularly, the procedures of accounting adopted are very complex for the rural masses. This issue gets further compounded by the lack of skills and knowledge of the panchayat members. A study by Unnati in Rajasthan found that 40 per cent of the elected representatives were illiterates and 90 per cent of reserved category panchayat heads were elected for the first time leading to poor capacities for performing the role of panchayat representatives.

Panchayats managing primary education: Some experiences of PRI managing the local primary education are positive indicating that decentralisation and de-bureaucratisation of education can be effective and would be able to meet the local demand through locally available human resource.
Health care and Panchayats: Involvement of local bodies in public health delivery is almost negligible. Unfortunately, the capacities of local bodies for managing public health and sanitation are weak and as a result the local bodies would find it difficult to evolve and manage the public health system. Nevertheless, the partial success of experiments like Jan Swasthya Rakshak (JSR) model in MP demonstrates that community-based primary and preventive health management is possible and its institutionalization with Panchayats can make it sustainable, replicable and equitable.

Reluctance to operationalise PESA: The PESA Act is one of the most potent legislative measures of the recent times, which recognises the tribal peoples mode of living, aspirations, their culture and traditions. But the fact that in most of the state the enabling rules are not in place more than eight years after the adoption of the Act suggests that the state governments are reluctant to operationalise the PESA mandate.
Ignoring the spirit of PESA: The state legislations have omitted some of the fundamental principles without which the spirit of PESA can never be realised. For instance, the premise in PESA that state legislations on Panchayats shall be in consonance with customary laws and among other things traditional management practices of community resources is ignored by most of the state laws.

State legislations weaken Gram Sabhas: The Gram Sabhas in the PESA Act are central pillars of governance entrusted with significant role and substantive powers. However, the state legislations, perhaps by design, through a twist of legal language have taken away powers from the Gram Sabhas.

PESA and water resources: As per PESA, the power to plan and manage minor water bodies exclusively vests in the Panchayats at appropriate level. However, no legal definition of the term minor water bodies exists in the statute books. The states in their conformity legislations have also not defined the term leading to ambiguity and scope of interpretation by the bureaucracy.

PESA and land resources: The PESA Act mandates that there should be consultation before land acquisition for development projects and before resettling or rehabilitating persons affected by such projects. Also the Gram Sabhas and Panchayats have the power to prevent alienation of land in the Scheduled Areas and to take appropriate action to restore any alienated land of Scheduled Tribes. However, state governments have not laid rules in this regard. 

What is needed today is the political will and wisdom necessary to strengthen Panchayati Raj institutions. Promoting necessary devolution of funds, functions and functionaries is a necessary condition but not sufficient in itself. What is called for is serious intervention in capacity building of elected representatives. The acid test of displayed political will be its willingness to make these institutions effective and accountable.